A Balkan Day with a Broken Symphony
5/12/25
By:
Michael K.
While Europe rehearses geopolitics, the Balkans play without a conductor - eggs are flying, judges are being beaten, Kurti demands recognition, and Malofeev is already in the library

At times, it seems the Balkans operate on a different frequency — not loud, not urgent, but one where every sound echoes through history. Europe may look eastward, trembling from strategic fever, may tune in to the resonance of overseas elections, but meanwhile, on its southeastern flank, the outlines of a real — not ephemeral — future take shape, day by day. May 12 was one of those days when the Balkans spoke softly but clearly, and every chord demanded attention.
Serbia once again found itself at the epicenter of events, where geopolitics meets bazaar-like fury. While Chinese Alibaba signs a memorandum with the authorities of Niš on building a logistics hub — one of the biggest steps toward integrating Serbia into global digital supply chains — street anger, meanwhile, takes on very different forms. In Kula, as in some unexpected lesson in popular pedagogy, the car of Minister Miloš Vučević was pelted with eggs — not because he was in it, but because someone might have thought he was.
❝— A preemptive protest? — the interlocutor scoffed.
— No, a preemptive defeat, — the author replied. — That’s one way to show trust in the state: better to throw first than regret later.❞
But the streets aren’t the only pressure zone. On the same day, an attack was reported on judge Mina Mitić. According to fellow judges, the assault was a result of years of eroding trust in the judiciary, exacerbated by political pressure. Perhaps it’s one of those moments when the system stops being broken — because it’s no longer a system, but fragments of institutional authority glued together with fear and careerist compromise.
❝— They attack a judge because the system doesn’t feel pain, — the interlocutor noted.
— The system is like a carpet. Everyone walks on it, but no one notices when it disappears.❞
These compromises seem familiar to Serbian diplomats. In a frank and pointed interview, a former Ministry of Foreign Affairs employee revealed how the country’s diplomatic apparatus is sinking into feudal loyalty instead of competence — a parade of officials with no reputation but the right kind of loyalty.
Amid that, a different piece of news — superficially academic, but no less alarming — stood out: in Serbia, a network operating under the banner of Konstantin Malofeyev, a Russian oligarch linked to the “Russian World” ideology, has stepped up its activities. Through a so-called “academic brotherhood,” it is trying to penetrate universities and think tanks — not through diplomacy, but through teaching. Not via diplomats, but via professors. The Kremlin clearly understands: he who controls the seminars controls the narrative.
❝— What if he just enjoys teaching? — the interlocutor wondered.
— Then I fear for the school curriculum, — the author replied.❞
While Belgrade wrestles with the shadow it casts itself, in Pristina, Albin Kurti meets with ambassadors of QUINT countries and EU representatives. He asserts that Kosovo has fulfilled all legal and institutional criteria for membership in the Council of Europe — and he says it aloud, confidently, on May 12. Europe pretends to listen, but in truth, it fears hearing. Because if it truly listens to Kurti, it will have to admit the diplomatic pendulum has swung. And Kosovo increasingly sounds like a state — not a footnote in negotiations.
While Pristina elbows its way toward a seat at the big table, Tirana tries to prove it still plays by the rules — even if the referees are no longer watching the field. OSCE-ODIHR states that Albania’s patronage system is incompatible with free political will. This is not the first such assessment, nor the first such spring. But here, it comes with specifics: the international observer mission documented abuses, pressure, and essentially — the degradation of elections as an institution.
❝— Patronage as democracy?
— More like a family tradition. Just with an Interior Ministry stamp.❞
Sali Berisha, a politician of the past with ambitions for the future, steps out before the public and calls for every vote to be defended. But perhaps these are no longer votes — just echoes? In Albania, elections are increasingly spoken of in whispers, while results are proclaimed loudly.
Bosnia and Herzegovina remains loudly silent on this day. No statements, no speeches, no noise. But Jasmina Selimović, governor of the Central Bank, meets with Christine Lagarde. In Washington. Not in Banja Luka, not in Sarajevo. And that, in itself, is a message. In a country where political elites haggle over laws like at a carpet bazaar, a meeting between a banker and the head of the ECB becomes a political event. Because stability is a luxury that, for now, only technocrats in Sarajevo can afford.
North Macedonia continues on its NATO path, under the flag, by procedure — as if it were a minibus promising a bright future, but constantly asking for small change. On May 12, analysts from Balkan Insight carefully note that North Macedonia and Montenegro still haven’t received that “economic bonus” from their alliance membership. And it’s not even a complaint. It’s like subscribing to a premium plan, only to find the interface unchanged — except for a shinier welcome screen. Turns out, NATO membership by itself brings neither stability nor investment. But it does bring press releases.
Croatia might have gone unnoticed that day — but it’s precisely on May 12 that China comes into focus. More specifically, the Chinese company DeepSeek, which is now under investigation by Croatia’s data protection authority. This is one of those moments when Europe bares its teeth — not in Brussels, but in Zagreb. Perhaps not a fang, but a sharp tooth nonetheless. Especially at a time when AI platforms are becoming the new diplomats. And it’s not clear they even speak human. DeepSeek isn’t just a platform — it’s a symptom. The question isn’t whether it’s breaking the rules. The question is: what do “rules” mean when an algorithm communicates with you better than your minister of justice?
Then comes Montenegro — sweeping in with sheer variety. As if a small stage suddenly released a fireworks display. There’s Andrija Mandić, head held high, who wants into the EU but without losing his “identity,” his traditions — and, let’s not forget, his political partners across the spectrum. It’s the desire to enter the grand hall without taking off your shoes or pulling in your elbows.
While Mandić speaks with flourish, UNICEF and women’s organizations in Montenegro do something concrete: they provide equipment to centers supporting children with developmental difficulties. €167,000 — not much. But more than all the “social inclusion” summits where the only thing truly included was the coffee break.
That same day, Montenegro initiates criminal proceedings against a sitting and two former police officers. Abuse of office, forgery, fraud — all the things often simply called “a career” in the region. In another report — an appeal hearing in the case of a security guard killed during a post office robbery. Here, justice is not a process — it’s a memory. Faint, tangled, but still clinging to itself.
❝— Six major stories from one country in a single day?
— It’s the Balkans, dear. News rarely travels alone.❞
Had these been just isolated incidents, it would’ve been a summary. But it’s not a summary. It’s a pulse. This sequence of events — from Alibaba in Niš to a forum in Budva — is not a news mosaic. It’s the spine of regional maturity. Only, Europe still isn’t ready to admit that this spine runs beneath its feet.
It might seem like just another day. Just a Monday. But in the Balkans, Monday isn’t just the start of the week. It’s a chance. A chance to say: we are still here. We’re not the background. We’re not the EU’s antechamber. We are its mirror — only this mirror reflects not façades, but entrails.
When the Croatian Prime Minister asks the U.S. not to turn its back on Europe, he’s not just talking about Brussels. He’s talking about himself. When Kosovo demands recognition, and Albania gets slapped by observers — it’s not dissonance. It’s an ensemble. Unsynchronized, bold, imperfect — but singing.
❝— So who actually listens to the Balkans?
— No one yet. But if they fall silent — that’s when it’ll get truly terrifying.❞
The question isn’t whether Europe hears them.
The question is whether it’s ready to listen.
The Balkans don’t explode. They don’t stage revolutions. They just send daily signals — in the form of memorandums, visits, forums, appeals, and eggs hurled at ministers. This isn’t a crisis. It’s political telegraphy.
And in that noise, in that mumbling of circumstances, there’s something painfully vital: a still possible future.
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