Third Summer. No Elections. With Protest

Following the publication of the previous article “No Date, No Speech, No Center,” dedicated to the growing civic activism in Serbia and the government’s reaction to it, events in the country have not subsided but have gained new momentum. The protests, which began as localized actions by students and activists, turned into a broader movement from the beginning of July 2025.

In just the first week of the month, dozens of people were detained, and street blockades and rallies spread to dozens of settlements, including Belgrade, Novi Sad, Niš, Užice, and others. Civil society is increasingly participating in street politics — despite arrests, intimidation, and fierce rhetoric from officials.

Protest Season: Third Summer in a Row

In a Nova TV segment titled “Serbia — Third Summer in a Row of Protests: Similarities and Differences,” the continuity of protest activity is highlighted: “Since 2020, the summer has proven to be the most critical period for unrest and dissatisfaction” (Nova.rs, July 7, 2025).

July 2025, according to the authors of the segment, has become the most intense protest phase yet: unlike previous years, actions are taking place in more regions, police pressure is higher, and the number of citizens joining the movement has grown significantly. There is a cycle: in summer, protests intensify; in fall or winter, the government makes selective concessions or calls elections. But in 2025 — for the first time in this cycle — official Belgrade states there will be no elections before 2027.

“Not everyone, but for the third summer in a row, many are spending it on the streets, sidewalks, and bridges of Belgrade and other cities, demanding justice,” the program description notes (Nova.rs, July 7, 2025).

Current Mobilization: June 28 to Early July

As previously reported, June 28, 2025, became a turning point for the protest movement: in several Serbian cities — Belgrade, Novi Sad, Niš, and Novi Pazar — road blockades, street gatherings, and tent camps began. A few days later, on July 3, a harsh police response followed: according to Reuters, during the “suppression of protests,” 79 people were detained, including students, professors, medical workers, and farmers. Police dispersed blockades and demonstrations, sometimes using physical force:

“Serbian police detained 79 people, including university students and other protesters… In several cities, special forces officers dispersed demonstrators with batons… Four students were hospitalized”

— Reuters, July 3, 2025.

Alongside mass detentions, international human rights bodies became more active. According to AP News, the Council of Europe, the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, and Human Rights Watch expressed serious concern about the events in Serbia. Their statements emphasized:

“Reports of excessive force, harassment, and arbitrary arrests must be immediately investigated. Authorities must respect the right to peaceful assembly” — AP News, July 4, 2025.

These reports did not go unnoticed in Serbia: activists issued calls for solidarity, and rights groups began monitoring court and detention proceedings.

Dynamics of Civic Initiatives

Užice: A Protest Spark in Western Serbia

One of the symbols of the new wave became the city of Užice, where, after the arrest of seven blockade participants, large-scale local mobilization began. According to Nova.rs, the detainees were charged with disturbing public order during protests organized after June 28. However, local activists argue these were legitimate forms of civic expression:

“Seven people were detained for participating in blockades that have been taking place across Serbia since June 28 — in legitimate form as civic protest” — Nova.rs, July 8, 2025.

After 48 hours of detention, the court ruled on 30 days of pre-trial detention.

“Lawyer Mihajlo Krstić told the Beta agency that there was no reason to impose custody for the charge of ‘assaulting an official,’ as, in his words, no attack on police occurred” — Nova.rs, July 9, 2025.

Among the detained was lawyer Radovan Novaković, prompting the Serbian Bar Association Board to suspend work for three days.

In response, citizens, lawyers, and local leaders held a rally in front of the courthouse and prosecutor’s office in Užice, demanding the immediate release of the detainees. Banners were placed in front of the building, and members of other bar associations joined the protest.

In solidarity, the Čačak Bar Association also suspended its work for three days, stating that government actions “harm the rule of law” (Nova.rs, July 9, 2025).

Additional public resonance followed the statement of one detainee’s father on local TV, emphasizing that the arrested were “not extremists or provocateurs” but “the backbone of society.”

Support From Other Cities

The protest in Užice did not remain isolated: solidarity actions took place in Požega, Kosjerić, Čačak, Nova Varoš, and other towns. According to Nova.rs, participants carried banners and chanted slogans against “political violence and intimidation,” and gendarmerie forces were present but did not intervene.

“Any violence from the authorities ultimately breaks in Western Serbia. It is a historical pattern” — Nova.rs, July 9, 2025.

New Forms of Protest: Students, Teachers, Lawyers

Amid increased police pressure, protesters resorted to unconventional forms of dissent:

• silent demonstrations

• pedestrian marches

• blockades of courts, municipal buildings, and schools

According to N1, a female student detained on the street without explanation faced harassment from senior police leadership, including Tatjana Drobnjak, a high-ranking Interior Ministry officer:

“Officer Tatjana Drobnjak detained a student, mocked her on the street, and demanded she declare whether she supports Vučić or not” — N1info, July 9, 2025.

Solidarity actions within the academic community continued: professors supported students, defended the right to protest, and condemned police violence. As one University of Belgrade professor stated:

“The students’ efforts have sparked solidarity among us, professors. This is no longer just a youth struggle — it is our collective fight” — N1info, July 8, 2025.

Government Response

Amid the growing protest wave, officials took a harsh and unequivocal stance. President Aleksandar Vučić publicly ruled out early elections before the end of his current mandate in 2027. Moreover, the government escalated its accusations from “disruptive behavior” to labeling protest actions as threats to national security.

According to Cadena SER, the Serbian president accused students of “terrorist actions,” noting that “this is no longer politics but an attempt to destabilize the country”:

“What they are doing is not politics, it is terrorism. The state must respond firmly” — Cadena SER, July 9, 2025.

This rhetoric was accompanied by real repression. According to N1, isolated arrests without charges, nighttime interrogations, and pressure on demonstrators’ relatives were recorded. In Užice, one detainee, Novica Antić, began a hunger strike in Belgrade’s detention center, protesting against conditions and lack of access to a lawyer:

“Novica Antić, one of the detainees, declared a hunger strike. He refuses food and demands immediate court response” — N1info, July 9, 2025.

Human rights defenders note that the situation is moving outside legal boundaries. Lawyer Mario Ninić, representing Antić, described the proceedings as “Kafkaesque,” with vague charges:

“We don’t know what exactly he is accused of. This process is Kafkaesque: no evidence, no trial, no right to defense” — N1info, July 9, 2025.

Simultaneously with increased rhetoric and arrests, authorities released activists loyal to the ruling party, even when involved in provocations, as recorded in N1’s blogs and streams. This creates a climate of double standards and has drawn sharp criticism in legal and academic circles.

Additionally, police continue to use preemptive intimidation: according to journalist Jasmina Paunović, at rallies and marches, citizens are harassed, detained without explanation, and subjected to physical violence, including women:

“Police mock and abuse people at peaceful gatherings. People are taken without warrants, without witnesses” — N1info, July 9, 2025.

In summary, the government response has shifted to a phase of deepening repression, combining criminal prosecution, force, and state-level discreditation of protesters. This increases concern among international observers, including EU institutions, the UN, and human rights organizations.

Conclusions and Outlook

Events in early July 2025 have definitively changed the landscape of civic protest in Serbia. What started as a student movement has evolved into a widespread, multilayered initiative involving professors, lawyers, doctors, education workers, farmers, and retirees. The protests have adopted a horizontal, networked character — without a single center, but with a steady pulse.

The fact that actions have occurred three summers in a row indicates growing frustration, political fatigue, and distrust in institutional mechanisms. The protests are cyclical, but in 2025 they have reached a scale where even peripheral towns have become hubs of resistance — Užice is a prime example.

At the same time, official Belgrade shows no readiness for dialogue. President Aleksandar Vučić has ruled out early elections and intensified repressive rhetoric, accusing protesters of “terrorism.” Students and activists face arrests, fines, psychological pressure, and discreditation.

As political scientist Miloš Bešić told Nova.rs, the crisis cannot be resolved without elections:

“A deep political crisis cannot be resolved without elections. The outcome would be uncertain, but postponing them leads to stagnation and further polarization” — Nova.rs, July 9, 2025.

Against this backdrop, the international factor is becoming increasingly important. The European Union, the UN, and rights organizations have recorded signs of political pressure, arbitrary detentions, and abuse of power by the Interior Ministry. Pressure on Serbia as an EU candidate state may intensify if the government continues to ignore basic democratic standards.

Meanwhile, protesters — with minimal resources, without centralized leadership, and under repression — continue to apply pressure. No date, no speech, but a clear rhythm.