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REM does not reboot

5/9/25

By:

Michael K.

While students run towards Brussels, political scientists warn: the new REM is no better than the old one. The system is deaf, even when they shout silently.

students rem serbia brussels rts

The University as an Alarm Bell


On May 8, Serbian Prime Minister Đuro Macut met with the Rector of the University of Belgrade, Vladan Đokić — a meeting that Radio Free Europe described as an attempt to ease tensions triggered by student protests. The main topics were the independence of universities, respect for academic autonomy, and the ongoing mass blockades.


Expectations were high. But none of the concrete demands — neither on funding nor on participation in the reform of the REM Council — were fulfilled. The government limited itself to vague statements and repeated claims of being “open to dialogue.”  Not a single representative of students or faculty was invited to the meeting.


This marked a turning point: the academic community realized that being a “free zone” is not enough — you must be loud.


“15 for 15”: A Minute of Silence that Roared


On March 15, Belgrade held its breath. That day, thousands of students, professors, and citizens gathered in the city center for the “15 for 15” action — in memory of fifteen victims of the train station collapse in Novi Sad. The protest was peaceful, symbolic, and almost wordless: 15 minutes of silence, with no chants or flags. Just presence.


At that moment, as reported on Covalent Bond, a sharp and directed sound blast occurred. It was later linked to the possible use of an acoustic disruption device, though no official source confirmed the origin. The Ministry of Internal Affairs claimed no special measures were used, but the Ombudsman formally requested an investigation.


That sound became a metaphor for the entire protest: a silencing attempt that only underscored the importance of what was not said.


On Foot and on Wheels — Toward Democracy


— Wait, they first rode bikes and now they’re running?

— Yep. Serbia doesn’t wait for a bus — it walks the route itself.


In early April, students from Novi Sad completed a bicycle relay to Strasbourg to deliver a petition to the European Parliament, urging it to take action regarding the situation in Serbia. They highlighted threats to academic autonomy, student intimidation, and the lack of media and electoral reforms. The ride became the first visible bridge between Serbian protests and European institutions, as detailed in Covalent Bond.


But that wasn’t the end. On April 25, a new phase began: a group of more than twenty students launched an 18-day ultramarathon from Novi Sad to Brussels, running in relay format — each covering a leg of the journey while carrying a symbolic armband and a letter to the European Parliament. The letter described state pressure, injustice, and the urgent need for a response.


As reported by AP News, the initiative drew interest in Brussels. MEPs announced their willingness to receive the student delegation and officially register their appeal.


This run isn’t just a symbol — it is the protest embodied in motion, a literal movement toward Europe — not politically, but humanly.


REMains the Same


— So they’ve launched a “new” selection process for REM members?

— Sure. But new doesn’t mean better. Sometimes it’s just the old package with a fresh sticker.


While students are running towards Brussels, as a result of a two-week blockade by RTS students (the state television and radio company of Serbia), the Belgrade authorities announce the launch of a new competition for the selection of members of the REM council, a regulatory body that plays a key role in controlling the country's media space, especially during the election periods. However, according to lawyer and media expert Milan Hubach, the new procedure is only an illusion of reform.


Hubač stated bluntly: “This process will be no better than the last one.” He pointed to unclear criteria, the lack of transparency, and the exclusion of civil society and expert associations. These shortcomings raise concerns not only domestically but also among European observers, who have long demanded REM reform as a prerequisite for free elections.


For students, REM symbolizes not just a flawed institution, but a sealed system of unaccountable loyalty. Their demands include not only reform — but a full reboot, grounded in independent oversight.

While the parliament sends out press releases on “transparency,” the streets write a parallel report — in asphalt, in steps, in relay sprints.


A Revolt Without a Leader


— So who’s leading them? Who’s in charge?

— No one. Or — everyone.


One of the most unusual aspects of the entire movement is its lack of leadership. No party flags, no branded microphones, no charismatic “resistance figurehead.” Everything is collective. All decisions are made in faculty assemblies. All slogans come from within.


As emphasized by Covalent Bond, the student protest is structured horizontally. This is not a weakness, but a principle — a deliberate contrast to the centralized system they are opposing.


Leaderlessness makes the movement resilient: you can’t “arrest” something with no center. You can’t intimidate everyone when they act as one. This model has become a generational manifesto — shaped not by party platforms, but by mutual responsibility and digital trust.


That’s why even major media outlets struggle to explain who is organizing what. Because initiative is no longer an exception — it’s the atmosphere.


A Spring Without Instructions


— It all sounds nice. But what next? Will they go home when summer starts?

— Maybe. But the spring will stay. And so will its trace.


What’s happening in Serbia today doesn’t fit into classic protest scenarios. It’s not a party, not a union, not a revolutionary committee. It’s a network — ethical, decentralized, self-organized. It’s not a revolt against, but a stand for: for the right to be heard, for the dignity of universities, for the autonomy of the body and the text.


These students aren’t asking for power — they’re asking for conditions under which power can once again serve the public rather than private interests. They don’t throw Molotov cocktails — they drop map pins in their navigation apps. They don’t seek gurus — they debate in Discord.


And that’s their strength.


For a Europe accustomed to viewing the Balkans as the “problem neighbor,” this protest is a reminder: real European politics doesn’t begin in Brussels — it begins in Novi Sad. With a backpack. With running shoes. With a voice that doesn’t shout — it acts.


The world may not notice when twenty young people are running across Germany. But one day it will wake up — and see that they’re already at the door. With a question that cannot be ignored:

“Where were you when we ran?”

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