Serbia: From the Streets of Belgrade to Strasbourg – Student Movement and European Reaction

Spring 2025 in Serbia has been marked by new forms of civic protest. Following the tragedy at the railway station in Novi Sad, which claimed 16 lives, students initiated a series of peaceful demonstrations that gradually evolved into an organized and sustained protest movement.

The March action “15 for 15” became the largest student mobilization in recent decades, encompassing more than 15 cities and gathering tens of thousands of people. The key demands included the resignation of the infrastructure minister, an investigation into the causes of the tragedy, and the adoption of a law protecting student unions, as previously reported.

As of today, the blockade of RTS and RTV headquarters continues. Students have accused the state-run channels of ignoring the protests and distorting facts. According to Le Monde, the action involved 24/7 shifts, tents, and live broadcasts. The goal was to reclaim the media space for the public.

Simultaneously, 80 students organized a bicycle march from Belgrade to Strasbourg, covering over 1,300 kilometers. Upon arrival, they submitted a petition to the European Parliament, demanding that the EU not remain silent. As AP News reports, students emphasized they represent no political party, but act on behalf of the youth.

Ahead of the "EU Meets the Balkans 4.0" forum scheduled for April 17 in Sofia—a platform for dialogue between the EU and candidate countries—European Commissioner Marta Kos stated in an interview with N1 Slovenia: “It seems important to say that the demonstrators and students are demanding from Serbia exactly what the European Commission is demanding from Serbia.” According to her, “The EU requires urgent reforms from Serbia, primarily changes to election laws, media legislation, and the appointment of independent regulators for electronic media—guarantees that President Aleksandar Vučić has reportedly given during recent meetings. The deadline for these actions is between three and four weeks.” The statement stirred reactions in Belgrade but was welcomed in Brussels.

The EU and EBRD also launched the Go Digital program, allocating €417 million for digital transformation in the region. In Serbia, part of the funds will support independent media platforms, digital education, and efforts to combat disinformation. Reuters noted that this is the largest EU digital initiative in the past decade.

The BIRN organization has reported a sharp rise in pro-Kremlin Telegram channels and disinformation networks. The EU has allocated €13 million to counter this trend, although analysts emphasize that without reforms in media regulation and public media literacy, the impact will remain limited.

Under public pressure, President Vučić proposed Djuro Macut as the next Prime Minister. The opposition regards this as a temporary maneuver. Meanwhile, students continue to demand institutional reform, transparent public tenders, and equal media access for all political parties.

According to sociological research from CEDEM and CRTA, protests are supported by 63% of urban youth and only 28% in rural areas. This highlights a profound social and information gap, with internet platforms and universities becoming centers of resistance.

The protest has expanded to include not only students but also professors, cultural figures, and the IT sector. Legal aid groups, mutual support funds, and local civic initiatives have emerged. The movement is gradually transforming from street rallies into a full-fledged civic movement.

The EU now faces a choice: to stick to declarations or move to instrumental support. In Serbia, meanwhile, there is a growing demand not just for a change in leadership but for a fundamental reevaluation of the political system. The youth want participation, not obedience.

These events show that the protest in Serbia is not a flare-up, but a symptom of deep societal change. It could become a turning point for Europe itself—if Brussels wants to maintain its influence in the Balkans. The next move is Brussels’.

Many of the students involved said they had never participated in politics before. Their involvement stems from a sense of exclusion and injustice in their daily lives. Their statements can generally be summarized as a desire to remain in Serbia and contribute to a fair and democratic country.

Student unions and independent faculty associations have played a critical role in mobilization. For the first time in years, they have expressed public support for protesters. Several faculties of the University of Belgrade officially condemned the use of force against students by the police, a move unprecedented in the academic community.

Youth movements that were previously fragmented are now joining forces. Based on the Student Coordinating Council, local civic platforms are being formed with the aim of running in upcoming local elections. This marks a shift from street protest to institutional politics.

Meanwhile, international NGOs have ramped up their presence in Serbia. Legal aid, media monitoring, and electoral observation programs have received additional funding. European Civic Watch, for example, launched the “Transparency 2025” initiative aimed at tracking public spending.

Conversely, the Serbian government has escalated rhetoric about foreign interference. State-run broadcasters often accuse the EU and the US of promoting “color revolutions.” This has already triggered diplomatic notes from several European embassies.

According to RFE/RL, GFSIS, and the Financial Times, some experts draw parallels between protests in Serbia and youth movements in Slovakia, Hungary, and Georgia. These are all post-socialist societies where a digitally native generation is demanding a voice in governance. Analysts describe this as a generational uprising.

Media experts emphasize the importance of platforms like TikTok, Instagram, and Telegram in organizing protests. These channels spread announcements, safety guidelines, legal information, and livestreams from events, reducing the effectiveness of traditional state control over information.

Students have also built strong connections with the Serbian diaspora. Solidarity actions have taken place in Paris, Berlin, Vienna, and Prague. Diaspora communities collect donations, provide equipment, and help raise international awareness.

Some universities in the EU expressed solidarity with Serbian students. Professors from Germany and the Netherlands signed an open letter condemning repression and calling on Brussels to respond more actively.

At home, arrests of activists have intensified. According to human rights organizations, at least 143 people have been detained in the past three weeks, including journalists, students, and protest organizers. AP News reports that the Serbian authorities have increased pressure on dissenters and independent media.

This is no longer just a student protest. It is a generational stand for responsibility and future. Unless the EU acts decisively now, it risks losing the trust of an entire generation in the Balkans.

As The Guardian writes, “The protests in Serbia are the largest student movement in Europe since 1968.” Financial Times draws comparisons with the revolutions of 1848 and 1989, underlining the role of youth in these shifts.

The EU’s response to the Serbian protests will test the sincerity of its democratic values. Serbia today is a mirror for Europe. The question is no longer what students do, but what Brussels does. The protests revealed a mature society. Now it’s up to politics to catch up.